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Speculations Regarding
the Portrait of Cornelia Sandrien.
Studying the evolution of the white kerchief headwear of the Burgundian Netherlands I came across the beautiful portrait of Cornelia Sandrin, painted by Quentin Matsys (fig. 1).
[1] The
portrait was in 1881
attributed to Christoph Amberger, but in 1916 Friedländer changed the
attribution to Quentin Matsys, also know as Quentin Massijs or Quentin
Massys,
1456-1530. Matsys was born in Leuwen and by 1495 he had set up a
workshop in
Antwerp. |
I
found the
headwear quite puzzling in more ways than one. Part of it seems to
point to an
earlier date compared to the suggested ca. 1514 as given by
Niederländische
Landesmuseum Oldenburg while other parts could suggest an even later
date. This
led me to contact the museum to learn more about the reasons for the
dating and
the identification of the sitter. Dr. Anna Heinze most kindly offered
the
background for the dating as well as for the identification.
The
lady’s
identification is based on a pendant portrait of a gentleman (fig. 2).
In 1954
Louis van Wachem found this male sitter to have a striking likeness
with the
sitter in another portrait (fig. 3), also one of a pair.[1]
This
second pair portrays two humanists and friends, Erasmus of Rotterdam
and Pieter
Gillis[2]
(fig. 3), who had their portraits painted by Quentin Matsys in 1517[3]
as
a present for their English friend, Sir Thomas More. Having identified
the
gentleman as Pieter Gillis it would be natural to interpret the pendant
lady’s
portrait as a portrayal of one his three wives. The choice fell on his
first
wife, Cornelia Sandrien[4]
who gave him six children before she died in 1526. The same year Pieter
Gillis
married Marie Denis Adriaensdr as his second wife who died in
childbirth either
late 1529 or early 1530.[5]
Pieter Gillis then married Katlyne Draecx as his third wife in 1530.[6]
According to Dr. Anna Heinze’s email it is considered to seem very
obvious that
the portraits of man and wife were painted to commemorate their wedding.
[1] Dr.
Anna Heinze, curator at
the Niederländische Landesmuseum Oldenburg in an email dated February
19, 2019.
[2] Peter
Gillis, also known as Peter Gilles,
Peter Giles or Petrus Aegidius, 1486-1533, was a lawyer and magistrate
of
Antwerp.
[3] These
two portraits can be
dated from letters. Marcus de Schepper:
‘Sola una totus mundus est Antverpia’: humanism en humanisten te
Antwerpen
(1470-1648), in Colloquium Neerlandium 12 (1994), p. 190.
Viewable at https://www.dbnl.org/tekst/_han001199401_01/_han001199401_01_0014.php
[4] Her
family name was also
known as Daneels. Ibid p. 191.
[5] Ibid pp. 191-192.
[6] Ibid
p. 192.
As
for the
dating of the two portraits (figs 1 and 2) the Niederländische
Landesmuseum
Oldenburg turned to dendrocronology and found that both portraits were
painted
on wood from the same Baltic oak which was dated to about 1513. This
was found
to match quite well with the portraits having been painted for Pieter
Gillis’
first wedding in 1514.[1]
If,
however, this particular oak was felled around 1513 one should add
between two
and five years for the wood panels to season. The Antwerp guild of St.
Luke
would in the sixteenth century have strict rules for seasoning the wood
panels
in order to secure a high quality of the paintings.[2]
This would bring the diptych of the married couple forward to about
1515-1518
as the earliest possible date which might still put it earlier than the
friendship diptych from 1517. Only when comparing the two male
portraits (figs.
2 and 3), both painted by Quentin Matsys and thought to portray the
same
gentleman, I find the friendship diptych of 1517 (fig. 3) to portray a
much
younger face than the one in the spousal diptych (fig. 2).
Also
the
lady’s headwear – apart from the wimple covering her neck which could
be
interpreted as a somewhat old fashioned style – points to a date later
than
1514 unless she was a “first mover”. On the museum’s web site it says
that a filigree
pattern on the white, starched linen of her headwear is visible only on
closer
inspection. After eventually performing an experimental reconstruction
to my
satisfaction I ended up with a different interpretation of the faint
diamond pattern;
as cloth-of-silver in damask weave shining through the transparent
linen head cloth.
[1] Dr.
Anna Heinze, curator at
the Niederländische Landesmuseum Oldenburg in an email dated February
19, 2019.
[2]Tine Louise
Slotsgaard: A 17th
Century Netherlandish
Panel Painting: Identification of wood, construction and
dendrochronology.
Wood Structure and Applications, University of Copenhagen 2011, p. 8.
Viewable
athttps://natmus.dk/fileadmin/user_upload/natmus/nnu/Dendro/2011/Diverse_2011.pdf
Fig. 4. The inner coif with a strap under the chin. |
My
experimental reconstruction finds the headwear to consist of four
items. First
there would be an inner coif (fig. 4) made from linen. It would cover
the hair
and protect the next item from any contact with the hair. Linen would
wash
fairly easily whereas more precious fabrics with interlining for
support would
be far more difficult to clean. The shape of the coif’s front edge
indicates a
strap going under the chin as the means for keeping it in place, and
this coif
would act as a foundation for the remaining items forming the headwear.
The
second
item would be a “transitional hennin” with a dome shaped top (fig. 5).
I find
it to have an outside of cloth-of-silver in a damask weave, a white
lining
which could be silk, and a fairly heavy interlining of buckram between
the two.
This would be a very expensive item provided that the artist has
painted the
shine of the damask weave pattern from life and not made use of a
stenciling
technique to indicate the pattern and thereby give a wealthier look.
The
diamond shaped pattern looks very flat and does not seem to follow the
curve of
the transitional hennin which makes me wonder if it was painted from
life. The
edge of the transitional hennin has been turned up to shorten it a bit
whereby
it reveals the white lining, and the turned up edge leaves a
three-dimensional
imprint on the headwear’s silhouette. Pinning the hennin to the inner
coif
would keep it in place.
Fig. 5. The transitional hennin with its edge folded up. |
The
third
item is the head cloth itself (fig. 6). It has been cut to a conical
shape
which is wider at the back than at the front. The movement of the
fabric is
soft and natural, so I do not find it to be starched, as it says in the
description on the museum’s website. I do, however, find it to have a
small
piece of buckram or starched linen (fig. 7) inserted between the
headcloth’s
two layers for stiffening the “flares” above the lady’s shoulders. It
would
take very fine linen to produce a transparency where cloth-of-silver
would
shine through two layers of fabric, so this is far from cheap linen.
The
“flare” is created by lifting up the fabric above the shoulder by means
of a
dart shaped pleat and pinning it to the coif and the transitional
hennin at the
level of the cheek bone. Another dart shaped pleat is formed and pinned
above
the “flare”. This pleat points to the crown of the lady’s head as the
bottom of
the pleat (a dotted line in fig. 6) basically follows the turned up
edge of the
transitional hennin. At the back the excess width of fabric is folded
to an
inverted box pleat, and the far ends of the head cloth are folded up
and pinned
under the “flares”. The conical cut and the styling of the head cloth
with
lifted up “flares” are not a rare sight from about 1518 and onwards;
only in
this case we have a general transparency which makes it one of a kind,
and I
have not found the styling with a dart shaped pleat pointing to the
crown in
any other portrait.
Fig. 6. The head cloth made from two layers of very fine linen fabric. | Fig. 7. The buckram or starched linen inserted to support the "flare" above the shoulder. |
The
final
item is the wimple (fig. 8) which is formed like an upside down
rectangular bag
of double layered fine linen; the same quality as found in the head
cloth. The
top corners of the wimple are pinned to the head cloth and the inner
coif.
The
conclusion must be that it would be interesting to reconsider the
deduced
dating of the spousal diptych and identification of the couple. There
are
indeed similarities between the two faces in the male portraits, but
still I
find the man in the friendship diptych (fig. 3) to be younger than the
one in
the spousal diptych (fig. 2). If the dating of the spousal diptych
should be
related to the earliest possible, seasoning of the panels permitting,
the
gentleman could be interpreted as an elder, close relative to Pieter
Gillis. He
did have two elder brothers; one, Gillis Gillis, was a man of the cloth
while
the other, Bartholomeus Gillis, followed in their father’s footsteps
and kept
the candle shop going after the father died in 1517/18. It would be
most likely
that Batholomeus had married, but there is no record of such a marriage.
Fig. 8. The wimple. |
If
the
gentleman in the spousal diptych is indeed Pieter Gillis I find it more
likely
that the portraits should relate to his second marriage in 1526 which
would
make the lady Marie Denis Adriaensdr as opposed to Cornelia Sandrien.
The fact
that there would be an earliest possible date for using the panels does
not
mean that there would be an expiring date as well, so the panels could
have
been stored for a longer period or even recycled.
None
of Pieter
Gillis’ three wives seem to have been born into families of high social
status
judging by the lack of surviving genealogical information about them.
This
makes me speculate that the lady in question would not have been a
first mover
in fashion, and it might explain signs of earlier traditions such as
the wimple
which is surprising for a young lady living in Antwerp and having her
portrait
painted after the earliest days of the sixteenth century. The wimple
would,
however, have a long tradition as an item to be worn by a married woman.
Karen Margrethe Høskuldsson
Uploaded 29 March, 2020
The paper above was sent to the Niederländische Landesmuseum Oldenburg, and in an email dated 12 June, 2019 Dr. Anna Heinze replied: