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A
French Hood
Set Against a Dating.
The
accession
numbers 301.1994.a-b in the Art Gallery of New South Wales in Sidney,
Australia
are held by two undated and unsigned sixteenth Century portraits,
originating
from The Netherlands, attributed to Anbrosius Benson and identified as
portraits of the diplomat Cornelius Duplicus de Schepper (or Scheppere)
and his
wife Elisabeth Donche (Figs. 1 and 2). The two portraits are thought
perhaps to
have been created to form a diptych and they are by the museum
officially dated
to ca. 1540. This paper would like to challenge that dating of the
portraits which
was originally proposed by art historian Max Jacob Friedländer
(1867-1958).
Fig. 1. Cornelius Duplicus de Schepper attributed to Ambrosius Benson, dated by the museum to ca. 1540. The Art Gallery of New South Wales, Sidney, Australia, acc. no. 301.1994.a. |
Each
portrait holds a coat of arms on the back. A gentleman’s coat of arms
would
hold the shape of a traditional shield while the shape of a lady’s coat
of arms
would traditionally be a diamond shaped lozenge until late in the
sixteenth century
and after that an oval shape. A gentleman’s coat of arms would hold the
blazon[1]
of
his noble family[2]
while the blazon of a lady’s coat of arms would until she was married
be a
replica of her father’s blazon, but after her marriage her coat of arms
would
be impaled with her husband’s blazon occupying the left hand side of
the
lozenge[3].
Given the gentleman’s blazon on the left hand side of her shield the
two portraits
in question must present the sitters as husband and wife (Figs. 3 and
4). A
pair of shields almost identical to the ones in figs. 3 and 4 (only not
as
elegantly done) are painted on the nineteenth Century black stone
framing the
original (but restored) tomb monument to Cornelius Duplicus de Schepper
and
Elisabeth Donche in the church of Eke ob de Schelde, Belgium.
[1] The heraldic
design.
[2] In England a
married
gentleman might impale his wife’s coat of arms or add it as an inescutcheon, i.e. a small shield
applied to his original coat of arms, all depending on whether or not
she was
an heiress. The author has, however, found no Netherlandish example of
a gentleman
of the early 1500s impaling his wife’s blazon or implementing it as an inescutcheon.
[3] This
impalement of the lady’s
lozenge is in England linked to her widowhood. Arthur Charles
Fox-Davies, The Wordsworth Complete Guide to
Heraldry,
(1996, Wordsworth Editions Ltd, Ware, Hertfordshire), p. 533. This
English
interpretation would here make sense only if the coat of arms on the
back of
Elisabeth Donche’s portrait referred to her first marriage as her
second
husband outlived her. The author has found Netherlandish examples where
ladies’
impaled coats of arms would hold the shape of a man’s shield.
Fig. 3. The coat of arms on the back of the gentleman’s portrait. | Fig. 4. The coat of arms on the back of the lady’s portrait. |
This
lady’s
blazon is unmistakably that of the Donche family: a red curry comb set
on a
background of ermine. The gentleman’s coat of arms is quartered, which
should
give an indication of the families of both of his parents. His father’s
family
should be presented top left and bottom right (the sections 1 and 4 of
the
quartering)[1].
Here we find a black eagle set against a golden background and
displayed in the
position resembling an imperial eagle of the Habsburgs. His mother’s
family
arms should be presented top right and bottom left (sections 2 and 3 of
the
quartering)[2].
Here we see a blue, crowned lion semi-rampant, set against a golden
background
and surrounded by three red hearts. Furthermore another shield is as an
inescutcheon; a smaller shield, added at the center of the quartering[3]:
a golden double
chevron, two golden bugle-horns
above it and below it an item shaped like a hybrid between a triangle
and a
circle, all set on a blue background. The crest resting on a helmet
above the coat
of arms is the top of a knight’s armor holding a sword in one hand and
a banner
in the other.
[1] Fox-Davies, Complete Guide to Heraldry, p. 104.
[2] Ibid
[3] An
inescutcheon is in English
heraldry to be regarded as an “achievement”. Fox-Davies: Complete Guide
to
Heraldry, p. 57.Rudy van Elslande finds the inescutcheon in question to
be the
coat of arms of the de Schepper family of Dunkerque. Rudy Van Elslande,
Diplomaat Cornelis Duplicus De Scheppere
(1501-1555) Alias Schepperus, Heer Van Eke (en de heren van Eke vanaf
1540 tot
1752), Hemkring Scheldeveld, Jaarboek XLII 2013, (2013,
Sint-Martens-Latem),
p. 9.
Fig. 5. The Danish coat of arms presenting three crowned “leopards” or “lions passant”, each surrounded by three red hearts. | Fig. 6. The Flemish heraldic lion. |
This design cannot be connected to the arms of any old Netherlandish family unless the blazon was heavily redesigned. A text in Latin[1], however, dated 28 January 1526/1527[2] gives the description of a coat of arms
[1] Cornelius De
Schepper and
Christian II. Source: Humanistica
Lovaniensia, Vol. 16. John Danticus
and his Netherlandish Friends: As Revealed by Their Correspondence
1522-1546,
(1961, Leuven University Press), pp. 20-21. I would like to thank
Ann-Claire
Olsen for her assistance with the translation of the essential parts of
the Latin
text.
[2] As
the first day of a new year
would be 25 March the contemporary date would be 28 January 1526
whereas it
would by a modern calendar be known as 28 January 1527.
very
much
like it. The Young Lawyer, Cornelius Duplicus de Schepper, had
undertaken
diplomatic challenges on behalf of the exiled King of Denmark, Norway
and
Sweden, Christian II, trying to persuade other kings to take an
interest in his
situation and provide military assistance for his return to the Danish
throne.
As a token of gratitude (and perhaps as an alternative to payment) for
services
rendered the exiled King elevated Cornelius Duplicus de Schepper to the
social
rank of a knight with advanced tournament rights. De Schepper was in
the same
letter also granted a new design for his coat of arms with a crest to
put on
all his belongings; be it books or real estate. The coat of arms is
described
as holding a blue leopard[1]
sitting
on a golden background and surrounded by three red hearts. It is noted
that
this blue “leopard” with hearts is one of the three “leopards” in the
Danish
royal coat of arms (fig. 5), so this should be regarded as an extremely
great
honor. The text also describes the crest as it appears on the back of
de
Schepper’s portrait, and the design found in the inescutcheon of de
Schepper’s
coat of arms, interpreting the unidentifiable item as a silver sea
shell. The
Latin text indicates that the shield in the inescucheon would be de
Schepper’s
inherited family coat of arms as opposed to the English interpretation
of the
inescucheon as an heiress-wife’s shield. The Latin document seems to
have been
accompanied by a drawing presenting the design. The only item not
mentioned is
the black eagle, and there is no talk of a quartering either.
Cornelius
Duplicus de Schepper received the document over a month after it was
sent, and
by that time he seems to have already entered into the service of the
Holy
Roman Emperor, Charles V. I speculate that he might have shown the
Danish
King’s grant and the design of his coat of arms to his new employer who
then at
some point granted de Schepper the use of the Imperial eagle as part of
his
blazon[2];
provided it was ranked higher than the Danish “leopard”, thus
displaying the
eagle as “his father’s family” and the “leopard” as “only his mother’s
family”.
Somewhere along the line the lion changed its position from “passant”
to turning
its head towards the spectator and lifting up its front to a position
of almost
rampant thus resembling the style of the Flemish heraldic lion (fig.
6). Either
way the earliest possible date for his coat of arms to be put on the
back of
the portrait must be the beginning of March 1526/1527[3],
and it is not unlikely that the young diplomat would commemorate his
new social
rank by having his portrait painted.
[1] A “leopard” is
the French
heraldic definition of a lion posing with three paws on the ground and
one paw
lifted up and its head turned towards the spectator; equivalent to the
English term
“lion passant”. Fox-Davies, Complete
Guide to Heraldry, p. 173.
[2] Rudy Van Elslande
interprets
the Eagle as a grant given by the Habsburg King of Bohemia and Hungary,
Ferdinand I (later Holy Roman Emperor), brother of Holy Roman Emperor
Charles V.
Van Elslande, p. 53.
[3] 1526
by the contemporary
calendar and 1527 by our modern calendar.
God’s
Mother), and two letters from 1529 speak of it.[1]
The
exiled King had asked Melchior de Germania if he could think of
“anything else”
(which must mean “anything apart from granting him the lordship of
Jemtland” in
what was then part of Norway, but is now part of Sweden; a grant given
to de
Schepper in May 1529[2]),
and Melchior de Germania replies that the King had mentioned the
possibility of
a membership of the order in a conversation with de Schepper, who then
hoped to
receive the golden chain and pendants before his departure on a mission
to
Spain. I doubt very much if anything ever came of that membership as
the exiled
King had sold or pawned anything of value, including his wife’s
jewelry, in
order to make ends meet[3].
No letter is left to prove that a membership of that order was ever
given, and
I doubt very much if Christian II would have any golden chain of the
order left
to offer to his loyal ambassador. If de Schepper was indeed made a
knight of
The Order of God’s Mother the chain would no doubt encircle his coat of
arms
afterwards, and his
coat of arms on the
back of the portrait could thus be dated to probably no later than 1529.
De
Schepper
was born in 1501, so he would have been 25 years old in 1526/1527 which
is not
an unlikely age for the gentleman in the portrait. The fine gloves in
his hand
would traditionally be interpreted as a sign of nobility, and the
portrait
could have been painted to commemorate his new, elevated status. The
design of
his hat points to a dating in the late 1520s or very early 1530s. The
only
thing which puzzles me in connection with this interpretation is the
fact that
he did not have his coat of arms painted on the front as part of the
portrait
itself.
Another
likely scenario would be that the couple had their portraits painted to
commemorate their wedding which took place in 1528. De Schepper would
then be
twenty seven, while his wife, born either 1495 or 1498, would be at
least
thirty. Trying to compare the ages of the two sitters from studying
their faces
I find the lady to look younger than the gentleman, and that does not
work well
with her being the elder of the couple[4].
[1] E. C. Werlauff, De hellige tre kongers kapel, stiftet af Christian den første og Dronning Dorothea i Roskilde-Domkirke, (1849, Reitzel, Copenhagen), pp. 29-30.
[2]
M. Le Bne
De
Saint-Genois and G.-A. Yssel De Schepper, Missions
Diplomatiques de Corneille Duplicus De Schepper, dit Schepperus,
Ambassadeur de
Christiern II, de Charles V, de Ferdinand 1er et
de Marie, Reine de Hongrie,
Gouvernante des
Pays-Bas, (1856, M.
Hayez, Imprimeur de l’Académie Royale de
Belgique, Bruxelles). Available
online at http://reader.digitale-sammlungen.de/de/fs1/object/display/bsb10353089_00011.html?zoom=1.1000000000000005
[3] Paul J. Reiter, Christiern 2 Personlighed Sjæleliv og Livsdrama, (1971, Erik Beck Forlag, Copenhagen), pp. 137-138.
[4] When asking the
opinion of
others regarding the ages of the couple some have disagreed with me and
find
the lady to look older than the gentleman.
[5] Karen
Margrethe Høskuldsson, Hidden in Plain Black:
The Sectrets of the
French Hood, Robin Netherton and Gale Owen-Crocker ed., Medieval Clothing and Textiles, Vol. 14,
(2018, Boydell & Brewer), pp. 144-151 and 164-165.
where
the tips
of the oreillette[1]
come all the way down to the jaw bone from where they disappear under
the chin.
Similar versions of the French hood’s oreillette are found in portrait
drawings
from the French court around 1520. In the late 1520s the tips of the
oreillette
would have climbed to level with the mouth.[2]
Given
that the oreillette’s tips are pulled under her chin as opposed to
being
supported by interlining and left hanging in plain view it is likely
that the
dating should be put on the early side of 1520. The very high neckline
of the
lady’s chemise supports a dating between 1515 and 1520. It could be
argued that
fashion might take its time to travel from the French court to the
Netherlands
on the outskirts of the French spoken part of Europe, but other
Netherlandish
portraits dated to around 1520 (fig. 7) portray the same style of
French hood
as the portrait of Elisabeth Donche only here the tips of the
oreillette are
supported by an interlining and left in plain view as opposed to being
softer
and pulled under the chin. Furthermore Elisabeth Donche’s horizontal,
high waist
line, the high neckline of her chemise and the style of her sleeves
point to a
date much earlier than the one suggested by Friedländer.
Dating
the
portraits of Cornelius Duplicus de Schepper and Elisabeth Donche to ca.
1520
presents a couple of new problems; one being that Elisabeth Donche was
married
to her first husband, Pieter Laurijn (also occasionally spelled
Lauweryn,
Laurin, Lauwerens or Lauwerein) until his death in 1522. As a member of
a noble
family Peter Laurijn was in 1516 appointed mayor of the Brugse Vrije at
the age
of twenty seven, and the same year he married Elisabeth Donche who
would then
have been between eighteen and twenty one. If the portrait was painted
during
their marriage one would expect the Laurijn coat of arms with a blazon
consisting either of three swans, a laurel tree or a mixture of the two[3]
on
the spectator’s left hand side of the lady’s lozenge. And if her
portrait was
painted after his death leaving the impaled lozenge to be interpreted
as a
widow’s coat of arms, the sitter would be expected to be covered in
layers of
black clothes and to wear a bongrace on top of her French hood[4].
It
all
leads to the theory that the two portraits in question were not created
simultaneously. I speculate that Elisabeth Donche’s portrait was
painted during
the early years of her first marriage, maybe even holding her first
husband’s
coat of arms impaled in her lozenge at the back. An examination with
x-ray and
infrared photography would be able to either dismiss or confirm the
theory that
the husband’s side of her coat of arms should have been painted over
later to
present the blazon of her second husband.
A preexistence of the lozenge might explain why it is
painted so much
larger than the coat of arms on the back of the gentleman’s portrait.
[1] An oreillette is
in the
author’s interpretation a coif, pinned to an inner coif and designed to
cover
the ears. Høskuldson, Hidden in Plain
Black, pp. 144-146.
[2] Ibid, Table 1, p. 165.
[3]Genealogie Laurentii Numquam
solus
incedes. Viewable at www.laurentii.be/Sb99999.htm .
[4] Høskuldsson: ”Hidden in Plain Black”, pp. 151-156.
Later
Elisabeth Donche’s portrait might have been adapted for a better match
to the
portrait of her second husband. In his portrait the source of light
coming from
the left casts his shadow on the green background to the right, and
this
matches the direction of the shadows on his face. In the lady’s
portrait we
have the same direction of light casting her shadow on the green
background.
The shadows on her face, however, tell a tale of light coming from the
right!
This could be interpreted as a later alteration of the background for
the
purpose of matching it to her husband’s portrait.
Looking
closely at the two portraits other details could be interpreted as a
support
for the theory that they were not created simultaneously. Apart from
the lady’s
portrait being slightly smaller than the gentleman’s portrait there is
quite a
difference in the intensity of the portrayals due to a clearly defined
reflection of light in the gentleman’s eyes (fig. 8) whereas there is
less highlight
to be found in the eyes of the lady (fig. 9). In contrast to the
gentleman’s portrait
the lady’s portrait has developed a heavily crackled surface. This
difference
is surprising if the two portraits were carried out with exactly the
same sort
of paint and had been preserved in the same environment.
The
lady
holds a rosary. This gesture is in tune with devotional portraits
painted in
the Netherlands where the sitters’ hands are either pressed together in
prayer
or busy with the beads of a rosary. As a contrast the gentleman holds
his
gloves, in his left hand while his right hand helps drawing the
spectator’s
attention towards the gloves.
Based
on
all the findings mentioned above I should suggest that the portrait of
Cornelius Duplicus de Schepper could have been painted ca. 1527 to
commemorate
his rise to a higher social status and that the portrait of Elisabeth
Donche could
be a devotional painting from ca. 1517, later altered to match the
portrait of
her second husband.
Karen Margrethe Høskuldsson
On 18 September 2018 the paper above was sent to Art Gallery of New South Wales. Dr. Anne Gerard-Austin, Assistant Curator, International Art replied:
"... I
now have had a chance to read your fascinating paper and the great
findings that you’ve managed to gather about our two portraits. Your
suggestion of a different date for each panel which would then have
been altered following Elisabeth Donche’s second marriage is an
interesting and convincing one. Thank you again for sharing such
results with us.
Uploaded 24 March 2020